A career criminal who found in the Nazi occupation of France an opportunity to institutionalize his methods, Lafont transformed what began as a loose network of underworld contacts into the Carlingue — a French auxiliary to the German security services that carried out torture, extortion, denunciation, and murder from its headquarters on the rue Lauriston in Paris. What distinguished his operation was its hybrid nature: officially sanctioned by German authority, yet run along the lines of organized crime, with personal enrichment and settling of scores operating alongside ideological collaboration. The scale of suffering inflicted on French civilians, Jews, and Resistance members placed him among the most consequential collaborators of the occupation.

His position as a church sexton gave Piper access, routine cover, and the trust of a congregation — circumstances he exploited across a period of escalating violence that stretched over several years before his arrest. What makes him a subject of sustained historical attention is partly the gap between his social presentation and his conduct, and partly the difficulty authorities faced in building cases against him despite repeated suspicion. His crimes remained unsolved or unprosecuted for years, with other men arrested and in at least one case destroyed by the investigation.

His act was less a political operation than a declaration — Lucheni targeted Empress Elisabeth not for anything she had done, but because she represented sovereign power, and any sovereign would have served his purpose. The assassination prompted the first international conference on terrorism and established coordinated state surveillance of anarchist networks across Europe, consequences that outlasted the ideology that inspired them. That he was disappointed to be denied execution, and actively sought martyrdom, says something about the logic driving the act.

His role within the 'Ndrangheta was less that of a violent enforcer than a structural one — he belonged to the organization's highest tier and served as a mediator capable of ending wars that had claimed hundreds of lives. The San Luca family he helped lead occupied a foundational position within the 'Ndrangheta, receiving tribute from affiliated groups across the organization as recognition of its primordial authority. A criminal record stretching from his teens through the postwar decades reflects a career that developed alongside the 'Ndrangheta's own consolidation of power in Calabria.

His involvement in the slave trade, conducted through connections with French and English commercial operations in Buenos Aires, places him on this site despite a civic legacy that includes founding a city and building a church. The proximity of his household to the Real Asiento de Inglaterra — the South Sea Company's trading post — suggests how deeply integrated he was in the networks that trafficked enslaved people through the Río de la Plata region in the early eighteenth century.

Mukhankin carried out nine killings over the course of a single year in Rostov Oblast, a region already marked by the earlier crimes of Andrei Chikatilo — a connection Mukhankin himself initially claimed as an influence. His victims were predominantly women and girls, and the methods included stabbing, suffocation, torture, and dismemberment. Apprehended only when a surviving witness identified him, he was subsequently found to have been planning a separate campaign of targeted violence against police. A psychiatric evaluation found him sane, and he remains confined at Black Dolphin Prison.

His method of gaining victims' trust — posing as a police officer, offering rides in a car — reflected an opportunism sharpened by his own brief, troubled history in law enforcement. Operating in the Vologda Oblast in the late 1970s, Sakharov killed at least three young women, burning and disposing of their remains in ways designed to prevent identification. The case generated sufficient public alarm that authorities installed speakers outside the courthouse during his 1978 trial to manage crowds, an extraordinary measure for Soviet judicial proceedings of the era.

The Sandy Hook shooting of December 2012 remains among the most devastating acts of mass violence in American history, in large part because of the age of most victims — twenty first-grade children, none older than seven. The attack unfolded within minutes and produced a casualty count that prompted a sustained national reckoning over gun policy, school safety, and the limits of mental health intervention. Investigators and researchers who later examined Lanza's background found a years-long trajectory of severe social withdrawal, an obsessive engagement with mass violence as a subject, and a near-total detachment from the outside world in the period leading up to the shooting.

The architect of the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917, Lenin built a centralized, single-party state whose instruments of political repression — including the secret police and the forced labor system — would outlast him by decades. His doctrine of the vanguard party provided ideological cover for the consolidation of authority in the hands of a narrow cadre, while his direction of the Red Terror established state violence as a legitimate governing tool. The scale of displacement, famine, and death produced under his leadership, including during the civil war and early Soviet period, place him among the most consequential and destructive political figures of the twentieth century.